This paper deals with the very broad topic of the nature
of religion as function tapered to its manifestation in human
culture and tapered further to the specific non-conventional
religiosity of the culture of Texas A&M University (TAMU).
I will begin by describing a general theoretical manner in
which religion first entered the world of man, its power and
the incessant need for that power. I will then describe the
functional roles religion plays in cultures, societies, and
nations, and then place categorically the culture of this
university into a Durkheimian model of what constitutes a
religion as well as what Robert Bellah regards a civil religion.
First, it’s important to understand the perspective
from which this paper is written. I begin with the assumption
that the Western concept of god, a theistic concept of god
(the god of Abraham), is non-existent. The reason being that
aside from perhaps the non-descriptive ontological argument
that necessarily the highest form of reality exists, there
is no evidence for a being described to any extent. In addition
to the theistic concept of god is the Eastern concept of numerous
gods in control of various aspects of life. These concepts
are non-evidential as well, at least in the manner in which
what we call knowledge is obtained in the scientific method.
Those concepts of god(s) that are more of a broader philosophical
nature such as the Tao or are described as a “life force”
are not what I am going to call god. I will regard these ideas
as manifestations of the ontological argument that have nothing
to do with concepts that are in any way anthropomorphized.
There are of course philosophical ways of constructing the
attainment of knowledge without sensory or empirical knowledge
(such as the ontological argument), but my basis for this
paper is based on observable positivistic knowledge and the
logic driven by human desire for fulfillment upon which form
of logic I will argue is the basis for non-empirical ideas
of knowledge. For my purposes, that which is unsubstantiated
empirically does not exist. This is important for my approach
in that if a god was known to exist, or if a god existed,
it would reduce all religions not regarding this being as
false religions. My approach regards religions as neither
true nor false, but simply human constructions whether they
include a deity or not, or whether a deity exists or not.
That being established, I will further assume that the religions
of humanity are in essence false and constructed entirely
by humanity. In this vein, were any god concept constructed
by man to be objectively true, it would be by accident and
therefore remain not as knowledge. This is important because
the following ideas I propose assume that humans have no actual
knowledge of the super-natural, that constructs of god(s)
and religion have a natural method and purpose functionally
important for the plight of humankind as individual and social.
My approach is not provable; it is theoretical and based on
humankind’s study of itself.
Religion emerged with thought. Without theorizing whether
language or thought preceded the other, the wonderment associated
with the loss of animation in a dead person, the cause of
rain, people, and other natural events and forms in itself
caused a need for explanation. The idea of a causal factor
greater than humans was born, and throughout the evolution
of the human psyche and society this idea of a causal factor
has gone through numerous stages - developing and changing
- ever attempting to satisfy the needs of the individual,
the social and the political.
Although the needs of the individual can be extrapolated to
social and political needs, I regard the needs of the individual
to be emotional or psychological and existent only in the
mind of the individual; perhaps influenced by the social and
political, but none the less internalized such that the individual
has thoughts and emotions that at the very least seem to the
individual to be their own. These are the psychological needs.
Freud regarded the need for a god and the religion surrounding
that god as a deep craving for a father figure. This is the
psychological desire for a being greater and more powerful
than the individual to provide for the individual, protect
and sanction. These needs, first realized in childhood, maintain
throughout the life of the individual and manifest themselves
in the belief of a male god having these attributes and capabilities.
I will take this idea further in stating that there are other
innate human emotional needs that this concept of god is called
to fulfill.
The human animal has a drive to survive physically. Maslow’s
hierarchy of needs holds that a succession of achievements,
or levels of need, lead to the highest need of self-actualization.
The hierarchy of this drive leads a person, having fulfilled
the lower needs, to a point whereby they reach this end. As
survival needs are met, deeper needs for emotional security
emerge that if not otherwise satisfied, will arrive a person
at a point of despair at the level of self-actualization.
Existential angst, the arrival of wealth or forms of power
still leaving the individual unsatisfied and the full awareness
of one’s mortality may all lead to this Freudian illusion
of a powerful being to alleviate these despairs. If the belief
in this being is deeply internalized, a psychological delusion
ensues creating a state of well-being, a loss of angst. This
point may be reached essentially in the manner described,
or bypassed in the case whereby the individual has internalized
the belief from such an early age that no loss or absence
of emotional security is experienced. This delusion as protection
from despair is fiercely guarded and as a psychological organism
it needs to be fed and protected to maintain strength.
Marx regarded the need for god and religion to be a numbing
agent for the pain in life. His idea of the religious illusion
is broader than Freud’s - I think includes Freud’s
- and includes the social arena of the individual. Socially,
the common belief in a god and identity with a religion provides
security found in that identity, common goals, ideals, an
emotional network and an anticipation of salvation. Marx,
like Hegel, was aware of this power in conventional religion
and essentially tried to implement it by transferring this
devotion politically to the state. A state may provide to
some extent and allow for common goals, identity and ideals,
but it still falls very short of alleviating many emotional
insecurities, including fear of mortality and alleviation
of pain that only the conventional religious illusion will
absorb.
It is my contention that the distinct and localized culture
of TAMU has constructed a religion to worship itself as a
social collectivity and as an institution. The university
is sprawled out along side the banks of the Brazos River in
a deeply conservative and devoutly Christian region in eastern
Central Texas. Although the campus itself is a couple of miles
from the river, the land owned by the university for agriculture
and ranching purposes extends far past the river and includes
thousands of square miles all over Texas. The university is
responsible for the greater wealth of academic information
regarding agriculture, which influences the state of Texas,
the United States and much of the world. But there is another
aspect to this institution that is as far reaching but reaches
far deeper than any of its academic prowess, notoriety, research
millions, or job placement ability. Texas A&M is a “church.”
It’s students, known as “Aggies” are its
faithful congregation, eager to spread the word, recruit converts
and live the philosophy that I shall call “Aggie-ism.”
I am an Aggie. Like a Jew who is an atheist, I have an acquired
identity to this philosophy, this religion of Aggieland, regardless
of my personal convictions towards it. Although being an Aggie
is arguably a non-genetic identification, it most certainly
is a cultural one eliciting strong emotional responses ranging
from blind, life-sacrificing devotion to utter disgust and
mockery of the same. An infidel, a blasphemer enrolled at
TAMU is still an Aggie, albeit a non-practicing one. However,
those non-practicing Aggies are described by more devoted
members as “2 percent-ers”, denoting the almost
insignificant nature and numbers amongst the believers - although
the number is much higher than 2%. In an effort to better
understand this phenomenon I deem religious, I have gathered
information directly from students by interview and have collected
numerous quotes from students who have written letters to
the editor of the school newspaper, The Battalion. I will
use these quotes throughout this paper to provide examples
of how the Aggie mindset bolsters my thesis as it pertains
to Durkheim and Bellah.
The most important aspects of a religion according to Durkheim
include:
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The recognition of a totem. A
totem is a symbol which represents other than itself,
but may be viewed as that which it represents. Many
items associated with TAMU are used as totems, including
students, the student body and the campus itself. Perhaps
the most notable totem is the Aggie Bonfire. This enormous
stack of logs, which once rose to 109ft. but in later
years was restricted to about 70ft. before its removal
as a tradition, was designated as “a symbol of
the burning desire to beat UT” (rival football
team). Cans of post-bonfire ashes were also sold in
the local bookstores. A statue of a man named E. King
Gill stands in front of the stadium as a symbol of the
student body ready to help the team if needed. In 1922
Gill, a basketball player, was asked by the football
coach to don a football uniform and stand on the sidelines
in case he was needed to play. He was not needed, but
the entire student body stands for football games as
an embodiment of this symbol of readiness to help the
institution. Durkheim regards the totem, whether associated
directly with the group or an ideology, as symbolizing
divinity and the clan itself. As do many religions,
Aggie-ism has a martyr. This image and ideal of E.King
Gill fulfills that role as an individual willing to
give himself to the group. He was named “the twelfth
man” which is the name given to the student “clan”
itself.
Aggies themselves are symbols and are valued as Aggies
by other Aggies as more than merely people. Regarding
an alumnus who collapsed on the football field during
a half-time celebration, a student wrote to the newspaper:
“had Jernigan not been on that field as an
Aggie, I would have had no direct connection with
him; hence the phrase, ‘I love him just for
being an Aggie.’”
A letter to the editor of the school newspaper stated,
“As Aggies, we should be above hurting each
other with words or actions…”
Much of this symbolism anthropomorphized is combined
with attaching and exemplifying valued traits, which
will be discussed later.
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Belief of a mysterious sacred force coming
from the totem. This force is what Aggies call
“Aggie Spirit.” Aggie Spirit is the one
necessary feeling a person must have in order to be
an Aggie. It is similar at least, and the same at most,
as the feeling of the “Holy Spirit” or “God”
such that Aggies may intertwine the two.
Numerous quotations from my interviews as well as letters
to the newspaper editor display this sentiment:
“Aggie Spirit is when I look around campus
by myself, I get a feeling of pride…happiness
for being at the right place, a sense of security,
like I’m here for a reason, a spiritual reason,
like God put me here for a reason.”
Aggie Spirit is? “Belonging to something that’s
bigger than yourself, that’s special to you
and thousands of others.”
Aggie Spirit is? “Pride associated with being
an Aggie which is shared between all Aggies based
on friendliness, traditions and pride that every Ag
should believe.”
Aggie Spirit is? “A&M’s in it’s
own little bubble.” Q: When do you feel the
spirit? “Right before the march in when the
band plays and the canon fires. The Aggie culture,
the pride, its here, but once you leave the campus,
it’s still there. The way Aggies interact with
each other.”
Aggie Spirit is? “At first I thought is was
bullcrap. The bible teaches not to be prideful…to
be humble. But now I think about my buddies, the bonfire…we
were brainwashed, kinda thing, you know, freshmen.
Then we heard Mr. McLean was dead (bonfire victim)
and I could feel God’s presence.”
Your first Aggie experience? “The first time
I went to Silver Taps…it made me feel like I
was part of something bigger than myself…it
was something special.” Q: What is the most
important aspect of being an Aggie? “Believing
in the Aggie Spirit.”
Aggie Spirit is? “I don’t know, you just
feel it. Being here evokes it…Bonfire, games,
school activities…the Corps keeps the spirit
alive.”
Why attended A&M? “I went to my grandfather’s
muster… (prayer service for dead Aggies) I prayed
about it…I felt God told me this is where I
should be.”
A poem sent to the school newspaper: “…you
make the roll call, taps sounding out the horn, tears
falling from heaven, another Aggie is born.”
The following was printed on the 2000 “Traditions
Council” organization’s pamphlet for a promotional
event.
“As Aggies, we experience time-honored tradition
everyday which make Texas A&M University a unique
and special place. But traditions alone do not make
Texas A&M what it is. The Aggie Spirit is the
lifeline, which forms a bond between our passion as
the 12th Man, undying pride to never give up, respect
for all Aggies, and our many traditions. It is this
Aggie Spirit that instills the heartbeat in our precious
home of Aggieland. Texas A&M has ‘A spirit
that can ne’er be told,’ that will live
within us forever.”
The following is a quote from former gubernatorial
candidate and prominent alumnus Clayton Williams Jr.
“[T]here through the introduction of study,
discipline and camaraderie known to Aggies –
a spirit that provides the strength, courage and initiative
to never quit. It has been this confirmed spirit of
Aggieland that has provided the drive in my life to
accomplish far more than I ever dreamed.”
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Small bands come together in euphoric celebration,
which break dull routine of everyday life.
Although football games are too common among universities
to hold special recognition at TAMU, the midnight before
home football games the stadium fills with students
for a “yell practice.” Cheers are done and
a rousing speech is made regarding the upcoming game.
For several days, on several occasions during the summer,
hundreds of Aggies convene at a camp for “Fish
Camp.” These Aggies are incoming freshmen who
are indoctrinated into the Aggie way of life they are
about to behold by learning the many cheers and “Aggie
ways.” “Transfer camp” is a smaller,
but similar camp designed to teach the same “Aggie
ways” and cheers to students transferring to the
university from elsewhere. |
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Elements are divided into the categories
of sacred and profane. Durkheim regarded religion
as a social organism, born out of the duality of that
which is chosen to be sacred and else that is profane.
“But sacred things should not be taken to
mean simply those personal beings we call gods or
spirits. A rock, a tree, a spring, a stone, a piece
of wood, a house, in other words anything at all,
can be sacred. A rite can have this sacred character
as well; in fact, no rite exists that does not have
it to some degree. There are words, speeches, and
formulas that can be spoken only by consecrated persons;
there are gestures and movements that cannot be executed
by everyone.” (Durkheim, EFRL, p.36)
TAMU has numerous objects, rites and performances that
are designated as sacred by its members. All of these
entities were originally chosen to have this status
by military cadets in the military environment that
was TAMU’s environment in totality for 90 years.
Many of these entities still have a military nature.
The grass on the grounds surrounding the Student Center
is sacred. No one except its caretakers is allowed to
walk on it. Its sanctity is based on the memorialization
of Aggies who died in World War II, for which the Student
Center itself is a memorial. The Student Center is sacred;
the wearing of hats inside its doors is not allowed.
The Aggie Bonfire, which recently fell killing 12 students,
was for years a sacred object and arguably maintains
that status although it no longer exists. It was a powerful
symbol of “the burning desire to beat the hell
out of TU” which is the rival university. The
bonfire provided other religious elements for TAMU,
but those will be discussed later.
Numerous statues adorn the campus and are hand polished
regularly by military cadets. “The Twelfth Man”
statue of E.King Gill stands in front of the football
stadium to memorialize Gill, a former basketball player
who was asked to wear a football uniform and stand ready
to play at a game in 1922 in which many players were
injured. Gill never played, but remains a symbol prompting
the entire student body to stand for the entirety of
every football game. Statues of two former university
presidents stand in prominent areas on campus, one,
a two-star general who allowed women to attend the school,
and the other a Confederate war general. Fifty-five
trees have plaques on them designating them as memorial
trees of Aggies who died in war, as well as fifty-five
American flags that fly above the football stadium.
On the military sector of the campus, only seniors are
allowed to walk on the grass. Only seniors are ever
allowed to have bare feet outside of their rooms. Only
the band members are allowed to walk on the band drill
field, as it is a memorial to dead band members, some
of whom had their ashes spread upon it. The school mascot,
a dog, is allowed to sit at the dining table and is
permitted to sleep alone in any bed it wishes. The dog
is greeted at attention from all freshmen in the military
organization and is given the highest rank of all 2000
cadets. I have included a list of those sacred objects
and sites on the campus.
(a.) The Memorial Student Center
– for Aggies who died in WWII.
(b.) The Memorial Trees – Aggies
who died in WWI
(c.) The Westgate Memorial –
Aggies who died in WWI
(d.) Eli L. Whitely Park –
for the Aggies who won the Congressional Medal of
Honor.
(e.) Fish Fountain – for 12
cadets of 1938 who were killed in WWII.
(f.) The Corps Plaza – for
Aggies killed since WWII.
(g.) The Eternal Flame – the
undying spirit of A&M.
(h.) Reveille’s graves –
dead mascots.
(i.) The Twelfth Man statue (discussed
above)
(j.) L.Sullivan Ross statue –
first TAMU president and confederate general.
(k.) Reveille – the canine
mascot.
(l.) The Bonfire
(m.) The grass surrounding the student center
– an infraction to tread upon.
(n.) The band drill field –
contains ashes of dead former band members. Only band
members are permitted to tread upon.
(o.) The football stadium is a memorial.
(p.) The “Aggie Code of Honor.”
“Aggies don’t lie, cheat or steal, or
tolerate those who do.”
Numerous other traditions at TAMU are regarded as sacred
as well. To disrespect any of these sacred entities
is met with scorn at best, and for members of the Cadet
Corps, highly sanctioned with physical punishment. In
response to new construction on the stadium requiring
the displacement of the former mascots’ graves,
an alumnus was quoted in a Houston newspaper stating,
[moving the mascots’ gravesite is like] “moving
the tomb of the unknown soldier out of Arlington national
cemetery.” (The Houston Chronicle)
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The function of religion is the creation,
reinforcement and maintenance of social solidarity.
TAMU’s society sanctions threats to its
solidarity by derogatorily designating those who are
either in opposition to anything associated with TAMU
and it’s ideals, or who are neutral to them as
“2 percent-ers.” This defines the dissenter
or neutral individual as an almost insignificant portion
of the society. The common phrase, “Highway 6
runs both ways” is in reference to the desire
for those who dissent to the Aggie ways to leave the
university. Actions that are deemed “good”
are called “good bull.” Actions that are
deemed bad, or anti-Aggie in some way are “bad-bull.”
Likewise there are “good Ags” and “bad
Ags.” Some quotes from students:
Regarding commentary in the school newspaper of “anti-Aggie
behavior”…”These so-called Ags need
to head back on Highway 6 and go to Austin, they are
not needed here.”
“…homosexuals at A&M are bad apples
and they are better off being in places that they
are more accepted…like Austin.”
Regarding a professor’s letter in the school
newspaper stating, “…it’s amazing
that our university continues to encourage events such
as Bonfire.” A student replies:
“I don’t care about your marvelous Ph.D
or how many universities you’ve taught at –
why don’t you and your highly overrated doctorate
go back to a university whose traditions you understand?”
A popular Aggie book sold in all the bookstores entitled,
“I Bleed Maroon” by Frank W. Cox, a former
“yell leader” and occasional speaker at
university events, states:
“It saddens me that A&M has a number of
faculty members who have nothing better to do than
sign a petition to outlaw Bonfire. To call the Bonfire
‘a needless waste and a source of embarrassment’
for A&M causes one to wonder about the wisdom
and foresight of these scholarly professors. For these
men and women of reputation to make statements based
on untruth, incorrect data, and cloudy ideas of this
magnitude boggles the mind. …maybe they would
be happier to expound their theories at UT or Rice.”
(Cox, I Bleed Maroon. p. 44)
Four years later the Aggie Bonfire fell injuring 27
students and killing 12.
The collectivity of the religious belief is of utmost
importance, according to Durkheim. The identity to the
belief as a member of the group of believers is a unifying
force.
“Religious beliefs proper are always held
by a defined collectivity that professes them and
practices the rites that go with them. These beliefs
are not only embraced by all the members of this collectivity
as individuals, they belong to the group and unite
it. The individuals who make up this group feel bound
to one another by their common beliefs. A society
whose members are united because they share a common
conception of the sacred world and its relation to
the profane world, and who translate this common conception
into identical practices, is what we call a church.”
(Durkheim, EFRL, p. 42)
The student quotations that follow attest to this statement.
“Though I find it very honorable to defend
the weak, I can not agree with you. For the seventh
time in the history of Texas A&M, the football
program finds itself on probation. Texas A&M is
a school that prides itself on the honesty and integrity
of its students. [Y]ou even quote the ‘Spirit
of Aggieland.’ Yes, we are Aggies, the Aggies
are we, but while some players are Aggies, others
just play football for A&M.”
“The Aggie Code of Honor states that Aggies
do not lie, cheat or steal, nor do we tolerate those
who do. A person isn’t an Aggie just because
he attends A&M. (This athlete) will never understand
what being an Aggie really means.”
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I addition to my showing that Aggie-ism qualifies as a religion
in the Durkheimian definition, I also want to show this collective
identity as what Robert Bellah calls a civil religion. In
his paper Civil Religion in America Bellah takes parts of
Durkheim’s and Rousseau’s criteria for religion,
melds it with criteria of his own, and defines American nationalism
as a civil religion. With my broader definition of a nation,
in the sense of the “Nation” of Islam, as a collective
identity with a common belief system providing that which
Durkheim states, and regardless of political and geographical
boundaries, I contend that Aggie-ism is unequivocally a civil
religion. Although Bellah contends that a civil religion is
distinct from a religion proper (conventional concept) in
several ways, I will show that those differences function
and represent concepts, behaviors and ideals that are religious
proper. Aggie-ism is civil religion, civil religion is religion
proper, Aggie-ism is religion proper.
“While some have argued that Christianity is the
national faith, and others that church and synagogue celebrate
only the generalized religion of the “American Way
of Life,” few have realized that there actually exists
alongside of and rather clearly differentiated from the
churches an elaborate and well-institutionalized civil religion
in America. This article argues not only that there is such
a thing, but also that this religion – or perhaps
better, this religious dimension – has its own seriousness
and integrity and requires the same care in understanding
that any other religion does.” (Bellah, Civil Religion
in America, Daedalus. 1967, p.3)
Bellah’s civil religion, which is written in regard
to an American version, would be applicable to any political
state. There is nothing different about his American version
that would not similarly pertain to any country that had a
collective identity and at least a fairly common belief in
the same deity, as this common belief is a component of his
theory. I argue that not only will his theory apply to any
political state, but also to a strong collective cultural
identity that is not bound politically or have a citizenship.
What binds a cultural group such that the theory of civil
religion would apply has little to do with political boundaries.
It is a cohesive, collective identity with a common belief
system and an acknowledged “one-ness” derived
from the strength of the identity. As I state Bellah’s
primary criteria for his idea of American civil religion,
I will also show how the culture of TAMU matches the theory.
It is evident to me that only the lack of “nationhood”
and perhaps mere numbers of members are the only components
that this university culture lacks. I argue further that like
religion proper, civil religion is internal and social. Political
recognition is simply an aspect of identity in civil religion,
with collective identity being the truly important component,
not the official name given to this identity.
A civil religion needs an over-arching spiritual force. Bellah
writes of the common usage of the word “God” in
political inaugurations and speeches. He notes that it is
not important which religion’s idea of God is referenced,
as evidenced by the absence of such connections. The use of
God politically is to provide a religious dimension to the
political realm thereby further promoting a common - albeit
broad ranged - belief that has attached to it a system of
values including symbols and rituals used to further the collective
identity of the nation. When a president makes reference to
God as a guiding force for his governmental decisions and
duty, currency is printed stating, “In God We Trust,”
and the pledge of allegiance describes the nation as being
“under God,” what is actually being implied is
that although the government is ruled by the will of the people,
and by decisions the president himself makes, there still
exists a blanket authority over each citizen’s will
and the nation itself. God, in American civil religion has
“a special concern for America.” (Bellah, CRA,
p.9)
This use of God in American civil religion applies directly
to the civil religion of TAMU. As mentioned earlier, the culture
of the university has a distinctly rural Texas flavor due
to being based largely on the study of agriculture and existing
in a rural area of Texas. This rural identity dominates the
collective consciousness. The students are known as “Aggies”
in reference to the study of agriculture upon which the university
was built and for which it is still well known. Selected military
cadets ride horses for ceremonies on campus and in the football
stadium. Cowboy boots, cowboy hats, and belt buckles won in
rodeos are common among the student body. The male cheerleaders
known as “yell leaders” often wear a uniform that
is a decorated pair of farmer’s overalls. Some university
cheers expressed at sporting events refer to students as “farmers.”
The well-known Aggie “greeting” to one another
is “Howdy,” which in the university Cadet Corps
is a necessary and heavily sanctioned greeting. “Howdy”
is a rural Texas vernacular abbreviation of “howdy do,”
which is an abbreviation of “how do you do?” Although
the general culture of Texas has very rural roots and many
references to this rurality, the culture of TAMU magnifies
this reference.
Having made this identity to rurality evident, it is important
to be aware that rural Texas culture has a deeply religious,
fundamentalist Protestant Christian identity. And the rural
Texas culture that is TAMU has this Christian identity as
a major component. Numerous bumper stickers attest to this
identity with such statements as: “Real Aggies Choose
Life” (with reference to the conservative Christian
political stance against abortion), “And on the eighth
day, God created the Aggies,” “Jesus–Whoop!”
(in reference to the “Aggie way” of positive exclamation,
to “Whoop.”), “Aggie by the Grace of God,”
“Aggies for Christ,” “Gig’em God”
and bumper stickers with the Christian symbol of a fish with
the word “Aggies” written inside of it.
In addition to these popular references to Christianity attached
to the Aggie identity, and to automobile bumpers, are common
t-shirt slogans and campus activities. A popular t-shirt slogan
features the symbol of the rival university, a longhorn steer,
but with the horns cut off. Written on the shirt below this
symbol is the biblical verse from Psalms stating, “…and
we will cut off the horns of the wicked.” Every year,
the week preceding the Easter holiday is known on campus as
“Resurrection Week.” Hundreds of t-shirts are
worn by students that display a biblical verse and the word
“TRUTH” in large letters on the front. During
this week, advertisements are placed in the student newspaper
inviting students to hear guest lecturers invited to campus,
often speaking in the general auditorium on topics such as
the fallacy of evolution, the perversity of homosexuality,
astronomical evidence for the Bethlehem Star, sexual abstinence,
how mathematics proves the logic of Christian morality and
numerous other topics widely recognized as convictions of
the Christian religious right wing. “Old fashioned”
tent revivals have also been held on the plaza adjoining the
student center. In 1995, a half-page advertisement was placed
by an organization named “Faculty Friends” in
the student newspaper inviting students to seek Christian
counseling from a list of 99 professors and university staff
members. The name of the currently interim university president
was on the list prompting a barrage of letters to the editor
from non-Christian students.
The following student quotations provide further evidence
of this conventionally religious identity fused with that
of Aggies. From letters to the editor and interviews:
“As Aggies, we should be above hurting each other
with words or actions. God’s love is a perfect, unconditional
love and we should follow Jesus’ teachings and love
our neighbor unconditionally…”
When an unlit bonfire fell down due to rain: “The
way I see it, God made day, night, animals and mankind in
six days, I have no doubt that (being) over 40,000 strong,
Aggies can build the hell outta Bonfire in six days and
burn (it) on the seventh. Call me conceited, I have a right
to be. I am an Aggie.”
Question: Why did you attend A&M? “I went to
my grandfather’s muster…I prayed about it…I
felt God told me this is where I should be.”
Part of a poem sent to the school newspaper: “You
make the role call, taps sounding out the horn, tears falling
from Heaven, another Aggie is born.”
“I would like to say that I am proud to have such
a group of outspoken individuals, be they “Faculty
Friends” or any other group. Further, as a Christian
myself, I applaud the efforts of my fellow Christians in
“Faculty Friends.” Thank you for your efforts.
Gig’em God.”
The exclamation used by Aggies in similarity to other
universities when promoting their team in an athletic event
by saying “beat’em” or “fight’em”
is the term “Gig’em.” “Gig’em
God” in the above quotation is not an isolated use
of the term, which I think clearly associates God with the
university.
From a student leader quoted in The Eagle, the town newspaper,
following the bonfire incident that killed 12 students:
“Aggies against Bonfire equals Aggies against God.”
(The Eagle, 13 November 2000)
In addition to these references to a conventional concept
of God is the idea of what is known to Aggies as “Aggie
Spirit.” “Aggie Spirit” is taught to hundreds
of incoming freshmen during “Fish Camp,” the 3-day
off-campus camp that indoctrinates students into the Aggie
way of life. Transferring students may acquire the same indoctrination
in a smaller, but similar camp known as “T-Camp.”
The Aggie Spirit is taught to freshmen Corps members and is
generally spoken of in campus literature, books written about
the university and newspaper publications. It is my contention
that Aggie Spirit serves the same function as, and in addition
to, the association of God with Aggies. For the Aggie culture
it is arguably more important than God in that it has a more
direct and specific association to the university, particularly
in that it is functional regardless of an individual’s
concept of a conventional God. Aggie Spirit is, to TAMU, the
Christian “Holy Spirit.” It is a non-tangible
cohesive force held particularly by Aggies in the same way
the Holy Spirit is particular to Christians.
The following quotations from student letters to the editor
and personal interviews attest to this function.
“On Tuesday night three A&M students were honored
at Silver Taps. I realize that it was cold and wet and a
lot of people did not want to go. But where is your Aggie
Spirit?”
Regarding a tampered election: “…these incidents
have also shown that the leadership within the Corps does
not uphold their ideas of “Keepers of the Spirit”
and “Soldier, Statesman and Knightly Gentlemen.”
The Aggie Spirit does not include cheating and threatening
when one cannot have his own way.”
“The Spirit can ne’er be told stems from this:
Each one of us is every one of us, and every one of us is
each individual. That’s what it means to be an Aggie.”
“Thank you to all the Aggies who have ever come
to Silver Taps or Aggie Muster, to stand beside me in the
night as we sent another Aggie on his/her way. These were
the times the Aggie Spirit cam alive for me, when we were
all not Black, Jewish, homosexual, Corps members or anything
else – we were simply Aggies.”
“It’s tragic how our intolerance of one another
have severed the unique bond between Aggies. …I still
hold the highest respect and admiration for my friends in
the Corps who believe in the Aggie Spirit and take pride
in the Aggie Code of Honor, much like numerous other Aggies
here at A&M.”
“…but when they began to play the first notes
of the War Hymn I couldn’t help but choke up. [A]s
a freshman, I am just beginning to understand the depth
of devotion that all good Ags have for this great institution,
and I will never understand that two percent of the Aggieland
population who does not take part in the Spirit. [T]he Aggie
Spirit truly is one which can never be broken.”
“Aggie Spirit is when I look around campus by myself,
I get a feeling of pride…happiness for being at the
right place, a sense of security, like I’m here for
a reason, a spiritual reason, like God put me here for a
reason.”
“Aggie Spirit is…belonging to something that’s
bigger than yourself, that’s special to you and thousands
of others.”
“At first I thought it (Aggie Spirit) was bullcrap.
The bible teaches not to be prideful…to be humble.
But now I think about my buddies, the bonfire…we were
brainwashed, kinda thing, you know, freshmen. Then we heard
Mr. McLean was dead (bonfire tragedy victim) and I could
feel God’s presence.”
Regarding a Fish Camp “yell practice” (pep
rally) when a young man died in a sports accident: “That
night I went to the most incredible and stirring yell practice
I’ve ever known because everyone realized they had
to yell and sing for two – once for themselves and
once for the buddy they never knew. And if you listened,
you could hear him yelling too. [N]one could believe how
strongly they felt at their buddy’s passing when they
never met him; yet they knew the depth of their feeling
sprang from the Spirit of Aggieland – that stirring
spirit that makes us all a family.”
Another important necessary component of what Bellah calls
civil religion is the production of civil ceremonies. As with
all nations, Aggie civil ceremonies are an integral part of
the “spirit” associated with TAMU. Silver Taps,
Muster and Bonfire (now suspended) are the most prominent
during the year. Silver Taps, a ceremony honoring Aggie dead,
takes place once a month in total silence and total darkness
in the region of campus surrounding the event. A university
military drill unit marches slowly without cadence and fires
a twenty-one-gun salute to honor Aggies who have died that
month.
Aggie Muster, another ceremony honoring the dead, occurs each
year on April 21st. At this event, all Aggies and former Aggie
students who have died during the year are honored in a fashion
similar to Silver Taps except candles are lit, speeches are
made, it is indoors and has an audience of several thousand.
Aggie Bonfire, a ceremony lasting over ninety years but now
suspended due to a tragedy, was a relatively primitive ceremony
compared to Silver Taps and Muster. Although it will never
occur at the same level, and perhaps never occur again in
any fashion, it was such an integral part of Aggie symbolism
that I consider it a very important part of Aggie-ism. Each
year before the football game with the University of Texas,
about two thousand trees are cut down by students to construct
a large carefully stacked pile of logs. The night before the
game, the student body congregates around the stack for organized
yells, marching music and singing. Student leaders run to
the stack of logs with torches and light the bonfire. The
fire is the official symbol for “the burning desire
to beat the hell out of the University of Texas.”
These ceremonies are an important part of Aggie-ism and function
to honor dead Aggies and promote social cohesiveness at these
somber and festive events as characterized in the following
letters to the editor:
“Tonight as Silver Taps came to a close, a camera
flashed and our feelings of honor, respect, and loss were
replaced with feelings of anger and disappointment. The
true feelings evoked by Silver Taps will never be captured
on film, rather they must become a part of your soul.”
(accompanied by 15 signatures)
“Attend Silver Taps. [Y]ou may not have known any
of those being honored, but if you die tomorrow I’d
be there at your Silver Taps. If I die tomorrow would you
be there for mine? That’s what Silver Taps is about,
Aggies being there for one another. Silver Taps is not a
time for ourselves, but a time to serve others in remembrance.”
“One of the most motivating things that I have ever
seen at A&M was when Taps was held during the building
of Bonfire. Stack was shut down and all went and stood on
the side of the Academic building during Silver Taps. They
had not forgotten the spirit that makes this school unique…
[J]ust remember if you pass away, few of the student body
will have known you, but who will be there to honor you?”
(accompanied by 29 signatures)
A third important component to Bellah’s civil religion
is idealization. When characterizing American Civil Religion
as an idealization, Bellah emphasized that the critical factor
is the people’s commitment to these idealizations (covenants),
not their success or failure in fulfilling them. As idealization,
the civil religion provides criteria for judgment and change.
According to Bellah, civil religion has a seriousness and
integrity that goes beyond mere political rhetoric and religion
in general. The quotations that follow exemplify this judgmental
nature:
“We are supposed to be Aggies here, meaning that
we treat each other as fellow Aggies. [W]hen the cadet began
to pass the group, many of the guys began taunting and harassing
her, some even jumping in her face. When another male junior
cadet in the Corps jumped in between saying, ‘Aggies
do not insult other Aggies,’ they tried to pick a
fight with him.”
“To K., thank you so much for finding and returning
my keys. You exemplify the true meaning of the Aggie Spirit…’to
whomever took my driver’s license and credit card
out of my key chain and then left my keys…I sincerely
hope that you are not a student at this university. Or,
if you are, I hope you don’t consider yourself a true
Aggie. [I]’m just disappointed in the fact that there
is someone out there who cares so little about their Aggie
honor that they have disgraced it like this.”
“We were offended because we were trying to share
our spirit with fellow Aggies. Obviously this group of guys
doesn’t know what it means to be an Aggie. Maybe they
need to go back to Fish Camp to be reminded of the Aggie
Spirit and how we all share in it no matter if we are Greek,
Corps or non-regs.” (accompanied by 5 signatures)
Idealization is also a major component to a civil religion.
When characterizing American Civil Religion as idealization,
Bellah emphasized that the critical factor is the people’s
commitment to these idealizations, not their success or failure
in fulfilling them. It is far more important to HAVE a covenant
that to actually FOLLOW it. As idealization, the civil religion
provides criteria for judgment and change. According to Bellah,
civil religion has a seriousness and integrity that goes beyond
mere political rhetoric and conventional religion in general.
The following quotations exemplify Aggie idealization and
the obvious infractions to this idealization. I think lateral
to the idea that having covenants is more important than following
them, and defining members of the group by this idealization,
is the strong avoidance of evidence to the contrary. The ideal
is of utmost importance in the group’s definition of
how a member of the group should think or behave. If a member
fails to obtain this idealization, they are regarded “not
a true or real American” or “not a true or real
Aggie.” This element of civil religion is identical
to the idealizations that are conventional religion. I regard
conventional religion to be entirely idealistic. Christianity
in particular teaches that one is born damned and is to spend
life struggling to achieve an ideal that is taught to be impossible
to achieve. Believers are taught to “do what Jesus would
do” but at the same time taught that Jesus was perfect
and we are not. The conflict brought upon by Christian idealism
is to “be this way, although it is impossible to be
this way.”
In similar fashion, Aggie idealism is based in part upon the
mantra, “Aggies don’t lie, cheat or steal, or
tolerate those who do.” This is known as the “Aggie
code of honor,” is regularly repeated in the Corps of
Cadets, and taught at Fish Camp. In addition to this idealization
is the inscription below the statue of TAMU’s first
president, “Soldier, Statesman and Knightly Gentleman”
which is written in reference to the man, but also widely
used as a definition of how Aggie men should behave. The truth
is that the TAMU campus has roughly the same crime statistics
as other college campuses. I think this use of the ideal and
particularly the discrediting of members who make serious
infraction to it is an extremely important aspect of a conventional
or civil religion. It is a protective device that prevents
the believer or member from internalizing the reality that
the ideal is simply an ideal, and that members do indeed make
infractions. A professed Christian who operates a prostitution
ring may be regarded by other Christians as “not a true
Christian,” a Muslim who terrorizes may be regarded
by other Muslims as “not a true Muslim” and as
the following quotations display, this is the case for Aggie-ism
as well. I contend that for the majority of members in these
“religious” groups, the cognitive dissonance begat
from an awareness of their belief being simply in idealizations
is too great a burden to bear. It is avoided through sub-conscious
denial.
Time and again, students would write to the school newspaper
in disbelief that some object of theirs was stolen. The student
would state that (given the Aggie ideal) it must not have
been an Aggie, and if it was shown to be, then it was not
a TRUE Aggie who made the infraction. In this way, the ideal
of Aggies not lying, cheating or stealing will still remain
true for the individual and no cognitive dissonance ensues.
This is no different in principle than conservative Christian
dealings with the Problem of Evil or Free Will vs. Determinism
arguments. Denial of conflict protects the belief in the ideal.
“We are all supposed to be Aggies here, meaning
that we treat each other as fellow Aggies. [W]hen the cadet
began to pass the group, many of the guys began taunting
and harassing her, some even jumping in her face. When another
male junior cadet in the Corps jumped in between saying,
‘Aggies do not insult other Aggies,’ they tried
to pick a fight with him.”
“We were offended because we were trying to share
our spirit with fellow Aggies. Obviously this group of guys
doesn’t know what it means to be an Aggie. Maybe they
need to go back to Fish Camp to be reminded of the Aggie
Spirit and how we all share in it no matter if we are Greek,
Corps, or non-regs.” (with 5 signatures)
“Now I’m not going to go into some big soapbox
about “two-percenters,” or “Aggie honor”
or which way Highway 6 actually runs. This has nothing to
do with Aggies or “being a true Aggie” or whatever
else people love to preach about. This has to do with the
fact that there is a class of people out there that will
actually steal your umbrella.”
Note how the following two quotations list numerous infractions
by Aggies, from students to administrators, but the writers
still refuse to waiver from the Aggie ideal, in fact he claims
it has become stronger:
“Aggieland has had its share of controversies during
our tenure. The allegation by a female cadet (rape) against
other Corps members rocked the campus our first semester.
The first Midnight Yell…was marred by a brawl by junior
Corps members and about fifty runners across Kyle Field.
NCAA violations leading to the television and bowl ban have
affected our senior year. Our administration has been under
much scrutiny with the illegal alcohol purchases by the
Board of Regents and the solicitations gifts by a university
official. A&M has prevailed and become a stronger university
even more dedicated to the Aggie Code of Honor and the integrity
on which it is based.”
“[W]hether this was the act of a few honorless individuals
or the concerted effort of a group to subvert the distribution
of a free press, I do not know. [H]aving knowledge of the
Aggie Code of Honor, as all Aggies do, I feel this cannot
possibly be true…”
“The Aggie Code of Honor states that Aggies do not
lie, cheat or steal, nor tolerate those who do. [A] person
isn’t an Aggie just because he attends A&M. (This
athlete) will never understand what being an Aggie really
means.”
The importance of sacred sites and shrines is important
for both Durkheim’s model of religion and Bellah’s
model of civil religion. “[T]here are national shrines
such as the memorials in Washington, D.C., the Capitol itself,
the birthplaces of key presidents, war memorials, and other
‘special’ places. It is not their age or even
historical significance but their ability to symbolize the
transcendence of the nation as a ‘people’ that
inspires awe and reverence. National shrines are ‘sacred,’
in Durkheim’s sense of the word. Likewise there are
sacred objects of the civil religion…” (McGuire,
1985).
Texas A&M has many memorial “shrines” on its
campus which clearly indicates their use as symbols of the
Aggie society’s value system. Students are taught to
hold these symbols as collective representations of the Aggie
ideal and regard them with great sanctity. Many of the sacred
sites and shrines are listed at the beginning of this paper
including a quote from an alumnus in the Houston Chronicle
stating that moving the mascot gravesites in order to expand
the stadium was like, “moving the tomb of the unknown
soldier out of Arlington national cemetery.” The following
quotations attest to the student reverence for these sites:
Regarding the statue of the first Texas A&M president:
“As you pass his statue, you are not asked to respect
and honor him for his attitudes of racism or his contributions
to the Confederacy. You are asked to respect and honor him
for what made him great, his love and support of Texas A&M,
for that is what truly makes him a Texas Aggie, worthy of
remembrance. (accompanied by 41 signatures)
“Certain groups around campus have been informing
the public about his (the first A&M president) pro-slavery
stance. Fortunately, the information is out for everyone
to see. However, Sully’s honor should not be compromised.”
“…nor lying cheating and stealing – this
is the Aggie Code of Honor for you freshmen – or even
wearing your hat in the MSC – for all you guys –
or walking on the grass at the MSC – everybody. It
is all about respect!”
Exemplification of valued traits plays an important role
in civil religion as it helps to provide a standard of behavior
to be followed by its members. This aspect of civil religion
is similar to idealization in that exemplification of desired
behavior is promoted, but remains distinctly different in
that such valued traits are standards that are actually achievable.
Students routinely write in stories of other, current “good
Ags” that bring to attention the value system that is
implied explicitly and implicitly as the direct result of
the result of the Aggie Spirit.
“Capt. B. had found my wallet lying on the ground
in the huge student parking lot behind Zachary. [I]f any
of you Aggies out there know Capt. B., please give him a
pat on the back and thank him for not only claiming to be
a good Aggie, but for acting like one.”
“On the afternoon of Wednesday, Feb. 16, I learned
the definition of true Aggies. I fainted at the Northgate
Post Office. I awoke to find several people surrounding
me, all concerned for my health.”
“Howdy Ags! I have a few comments about good bull
and bad bull. [W]e have the Corps which helps keep our traditions
alive and being in a small town helps as well. I am not
attempting to say that you should say “Howdy”
to everyone but at least do not look away or ignore others.
You can smile or nod your head at least, and a “Howdy”
is nice when you see someone you have in a class or you
know. That’s good bull. It is really bad bull to criticize
the Fightin’ Texas Aggie Football Team or any other
team.”
Part of the social element that helps to maintain cohesion
and a solidarity of mind and action is the society’s
ability to sanction. However, because individual mindsets
and many actions aren’t illegal, the civil religion
raises a level of intolerance to eliminate dissenters. “The
priestly version of civil religion frequently devolves into
worship of the nation itself or identifying God’s will
with the aims of “our kind of people.” This version
of civil religion has historically been used to legitimate
intolerance…(McGuire, Religion, the Social Context,
1985).
Texas A&M, a hotbed of intolerance, is lined with the
belief structure of conservative Christianity, American ethnocentric
isolationism and “Aggie Spirit,” all of which
seem to be the weapons used by a very conservative, rural-oriented
culture designed unconsciously or at least in oblivion to
ward off the secularization of postmodernity and postemotionalism.
The following quotations show Aggie intolerance:
“…then they do not deserve the right to call
themselves Aggies or brag about their “Aggie Spirit.”
If this is the way they want to act, we do not need this
kind of people at our university, especially with A&M
under the scrutiny it is already under now. These so called
“Ags” need to head back on Highway 6 and go
to Austin, (The University of Texas) they are not needed
here.” (accompanied by 7 signatures)
“There are plenty of minority students across the
nation that can attend any institution of higher education
on the basis of SAT scores, ACT scores, and class rank.
But, most are not choosing A&M. Why aren’t they
choosing Texas A&M University? Take a close look at
what kinds of students make up this university. Do the demographics
reflect the demographics of the nation or even this state?
Shouldn’t everyone, no matter what race or color,
want to come here? The problem is that Texas A&M does
not make itself appealing to the top minority graduates.”
“[T]he article regarded “Coming Out Week”
for gays and lesbians at Texas A&M. He stated that he
believed that A&M would “stand up to high standards
of morality” and that he “guessed he expected
too much.” He implied that homosexuals at A&M
are “bad apples” and that they are better off
being in places that they are more “accepted”…like
Austin.”
What is a true Aggie? “If Aggies don’t like
all our traditions that’s okay, but they shouldn’t
be outspoken about it.” “All people at A&M
like the traditions, otherwise it’s like they’re
trying to stir up trouble in some way.”
Perhaps the most indicative and often the most noticed aspect
of a civil religion is the outrage felt by its members for
outsiders’ influences, the threat of change to the belief
system and the way the civil religion operates. In a broader
sense, rage is the human emotion that protects the individual
from their deepest fears and pain. The psychoanalyst may look
to a person’s childhood to find what event or events
have created a rage in that person. A philosopher may contend
that belief systems and endeavors that protect an individual
from more adult fears such as mortality and deeper meaning
in life will yield a rage towards that which threatens those
belief systems and endeavors. Many cases are likely some combination
of both, but rage as a protector of that which provides meaning
to a life is evident.
“These self-absorbed, egotistical vagrants apparently
do not believe in any of the traditions that make Texas
A&M unique. Having been in the Corps of Cadets, I can
assure you that I was taught to respect ALL Aggie traditions,
especially when it comes to “uncovering” (removal
of hats) for yells, the Aggie War Hymn, and The Spirit of
Aggieland. [F]or those of you who were standing in front
of me and my friends on rows 37 & 38 in section 129,
here is a suggestion for you. Take Highway 6 north to Highway
21, turn left and travel about 140 miles, when you get to
I-35 turn right and up the road you’ll find a place
more suitable for two-percenters, or should I say “t-sippers”
(U.T. students).
“I am writing in response to the letter by K., who
thinks it’s ‘amazing’ that our university
‘continues to encourage events such as Bonfire. I
certainly don’t condone the boys’ (Bonfire workers)
behavior in the Albertson’s parking lot, and I even
think they should be reprimanded for it. But don’t
you DARE associate the after-hours behavior of 50 boys with
the tradition of Bonfire. Bonfire is a unifying tradition
that symbolizes our desire – Aggies burning desire
– to beat the hell outta “t.u” Period.
I don’t care about your marvelous Ph.D or how many
universities you’ve taught at – why don’t
you and your highly overrated doctorate go back to a university
whose traditions (or lack thereof) you understand. …[y]ou
obviously don’t share our camaraderie. You never will,
but then again, you’re not an Aggie.”
“The innocent fan was jokingly yelling, ‘one
twinkie, two twinkie…’ as Pan-Am’s portly
pitcher took his warm up swings at the plate. The (Aggie)
turned and yelled, ‘hey good one. We did that one
yesterday, where were you?’ I just have three words
for this rude individual – BAD BULL AG!”
“[B]ecause of people like you, the tradition of
Elephant Walk, which ranked next to Muster and Silver Taps
in solemnity, is now a farce. Because of your attitudes,
some day there will be no tradition at Texas A&M.”
“I never knew that Texas A&M University had
so many bad Ags…I was brought up knowing that regardless
of the score, the Aggies stayed and supported the team until
the very end. …I learned from many upper-classmen
that being a two-percenter is worse than being a ‘sip.’
For all you two-percenters who don’t know what it
is like to be a true Aggie, you should go ahead and transfer
to t.u.”
The traditions at Texas A&M and the resistance to change
them, even a minute amount, are indicative of the threat that
change poses to the Aggie belief system. “The way things
have ‘always’ been” provides a level of
comfort to which all changes are greatly resisted, even in
cases where the change might otherwise seem benign, insignificant,
or non threatening to the overall meaning of the event. This
is evidenced in the following letter to the editor.
“[O]ne thing we all enjoy is seeing the Ags score
a touchdown or a field goal and then humping it (a position
in which Aggies “yell”) to yell, “Fifteen
for team!” There were at least three occasions when
these yells were skipped. The one thing that really upset
us was when we yelled, “Fight’em Aggies!”
instead of “Gig’em!” on one of the kick-offs.
…but in the case of being an Aggie, this is the stuff
that makes A&M special. We would appreciate it if the
Yell Leaders would stick to tradition and not try to change
anything.” Concerned members of the Twelfth Man, (accompanied
by 3 signatures).
The emotional attachment that many Aggies have for Texas
A&M is the same attachment that many individuals have
for their conventional religion or civil religion. This is
an attachment that provides meaning and continuity in many
people’s lives. From the perspective of the individual,
the belief in, and attachment to an entity higher and more
power than one’s self provides security, purpose, continuity
and rules for thoughts and behavior. Explanations are provided
for the individual to the extent that the explanation may
be as simple as “because that’s what you’re
supposed to believe” or “because that’s
the way it’s always been done.” If the need for
attachment is strong, an individual will require no greater
explanation. Deeper explanations are avoided or regarded as
blasphemous to further protect the individual from deviating
from his belief system that maintains this sense of security.
The social aspect of conventional religion or civil religion
is broad ranging in that a society has great powers of sanction
and persuasion that come from the group directed outwardly
to the individual, but also the actual and perceived actions
and beliefs of the group have a deep internal sanctioning
and persuasive power on the individual levied BY the same
individual. With this range of force, the group wields enormous
power over the individual, including the ability to dramatically
change whatever system of belief the individual was previously
utilizing to provide deeper meaning.
In the first part of this paper I tried to show how what I
have come to call Aggie-ism is a religion, like any other
of the more well-known conventional religions, from the Durkheimian
perspective. In the latter half, I have shown how Aggie-ism
matches the model for civil religion, or more precisely American
civil religion, from Robert Bellah’s perspective. On
the surface, it seems that Aggie-ism follows the model of
civil religion certainly more closely than that what most
would call religion. Religion proper has to do with God or
gods or spirits and civil religion merely uses these forms
to further promote an institution. However, as Durkheim contends,
there is no need for existence of, or belief in a supernatural
entity in order for a belief system to be a religion. The
collective belief system itself is a religion.
Of course there are differences between that which is called
a civil religion and that which is a conventional one, just
like there are differences between Protestant Christianity
and Hinduism. My argument is that these differences have no
substance as intricacies, that the BELIEF and the BELIEVING
is the religion. From this point of view whether a “civil
religion” or Aggie-ism makes reference to or associates
itself with a conventional religion is immaterial, much like
Durkheim’s model of religion not requiring the super-natural.
As I mentioned earlier in this paper, I am taking the perspective
of a sentient supreme entity being non-existent to remove
the very general association of a God figure from the definition
of religion.
However, there IS a God figure deeply rooted in what I deem
so inclusively to be religious. It is that which gives us
emotional life-sustaining meaning. It is any idea of a god
or gods, it is love for self, love for another, sense of purpose,
sense of security, collective identity, personal identity,
reverence outside one’s self and hope of all those things.
From this perspective, any group with a common set of beliefs
is religious, not on a lower level or scale, but simply a
different one. It is most often the case that what could be
regarded a lower level religion such as Aggie-ism or Americanism
arguably provides far more actual meaning and fervor in an
individual than even what would constitute a higher level,
or conventional religion. The meaning that is actually known
to be real is often more powerful than a metaphysical ideal.
__________________________
Literature Cited:
Bellah, Robert N. Civil Religion in America.
Daedalus vol. 117, Summer pp.97-118, American Academy of
Arts and Sciences, Cambridge, Mass. 1988.
Durkheim, Emile. The Elementary Forms
of Religious Life. New York. Oxford University Press. First
published in 1912.
McGuire, Meredith B. Religion: The Social
Context. Belmont, California., Wadsworth. 1987.
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